By Dick Nichols-- Nearly 10 years after the Spanish high
court outlawed its previous political organisations, Basque left nationalism has
finally given birth to a new legal party—Sortu
(“to create” or “to be born” in Basque). The new arrival is a powerful
progressive force for Basque independence—socialist, feminist, ecologically
aware and staunchly internationalist.
Its goal is an
independent socialist Basque-speaking
state that unites the three northern
Basque regions in the French department of Pyrenees Atlantiques with the four southern
Basque regions covering Navarra and Euskadi (the Basque Autonomous Community) in
the Spanish state.
Its strategy
is to build majority support for this goal on three battlefields―ideological,
mass social struggle and in Spanish and French institutions.
Sortu’s founding congress, held on February 23, 2013, in Iruñea
(Pamplona)—known as the “Jerusalem of the Basques”—marked the successful end to
a difficult journey. It capped a four-year strategic debate within the left
nationalist (abertzale) movement and 15 months of court battles to achieve
legal status in Spain.
Initially launched in February 2011, the new party first had to prove to
the Spanish legal system that it had no political dependence on the armed organisation
Basque
Homeland and Freedom (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, ETA).
ETA’s 50-year “armed struggle” produced more than 800 deaths and the
previous abertzale left organisations—Herri Batasuna (HB, Popular
Unity), Euskal Herritarrok (EH,
Basque Citizens) and Batasuna (Unity)—had
all been outlawed in 2003 under the Spanish law of parties on the grounds that
they were political wings of ETA. In June 2007, the European Court of Human
Rights upheld this ruling.
Despite Sortu’s
statutes renouncing any use of violence, including specifically
by ETA, in March 2011 the Spanish high court also rejected that party’s
application for legal status, but this time by the narrow margin of nine votes
to seven.
When appealed to the Spanish constitutional court, this decision was
overturned in June 2012 on the grounds that it violated the right to
association. Sortu was then included in the register of political parties.
However, the constitutional court’s hairline six-to-five decision also
specified some spurious triggers for outlawing the party in the future, such as
“ambiguity in the condemnation of terrorism” and advocacy of “equality of
suffering” between the victims of ETA terrorism and abertzale prisoners in Spanish jails.
Sortu’s legalisation was preceded by that of the left-nationalist
electoral coalitions Bildu
(for the May 2011 municipal and shire elections), Amaiur
(for the November 2011 Spanish national poll) and EH Bildu
(for the October 2012 regional election in Euskadi).
In each of these coalitions the abertzale
left participated with other left nationalist forces but without a party
organisation of its own.
Sea change
The road to Sortu’s founding congress began in 2007 with the growing
conviction within the abertzale left that
its previous “military-political” strategy was at a dead end, a viewpoint that
had also been winning increasing support from a number of former ETA leaders
held in Spanish jails.
A turning point was ETA’s December 2006 bombing at Madrid airport, which
was carried out during a period of official truce with the Spanish government
and which killed two workers. In the days following, leaders of the outlawed Batasuna,
including spokesperson Arnaldo Otegi, for
the first time ever called on ETA to observe a truce.
Otegi was later to say (in his 2012 book, El Tiempo de las Luces) that
the Madrid airport bombing “seriously damaged ETA’s credibility within Basque
society and deprived any future initiative of ETA of all chance of political
credit unless it was plainly and simply permanent and irreversible”.
The bombing also sharpened the differences within the abertzale left between those who felt that
without the threat of armed action the Spanish state would never concede
anything and those, like the Batasuna leadership, who were convinced that “the
cycle of armed struggle was absolutely exhausted”.
The necessary process of clarification with the left nationalist
community began with Otegi’s release from jail in late 2008 and the proposal
for a strategy based on peaceful mass struggle and broad alliance-building
towards the goal of an independent, socialist Basque nation.
Despite conditions of increased state repression and ceaseless dirty
trickery from the Spanish government and courts—including the arrest and trial of
Otegi and other leaders on charges of trying to reconstitute Batasuna as a tool
of ETA—from October 2009 the abertzale
left carried out an exhaustive debate on the issues involved.
In this debate, involving 7000 activists, the position of unconditional
and unilateral adoption of an exclusively political strategy for Basque left
nationalism won overwhelming support—leading to its codification in the February
2010 document “Arise Basque Country” (Zutik
Euskal Herria), and to eventual acceptance by ETA.
Rapid confirmation of popular support for the new stance came in the
vote for Bildu (26%), Amaiur (24.4%) and EH Bildu (25%) in elections in Euskadi
between May 2011 and October 2012.
Creating Sortu
What sort of party does the abertzale
left need in the new conditions created by its change of strategy and by ETA’s
own farewell to arms, announced before the November 2011 Spanish national
elections? How should it embody the project of Basque national liberation in
this new political cycle?
The answer was thrashed out through Sortu’s exhaustively democratic founding
process, in which all left nationalists who agreed with the orientation of
“Arise Basque Country” were urged to participate and which over five months drafted,
discussed and amended three documents outlining Sortu’s ideological bases, political
strategy and tactics and organisational model.
Around 18,000 copies of the draft documents were downloaded from the
Sortu web site and discussed by 6000 participants in four rounds of meetings in
293 towns and neighbourhoods across the southern Basque Country. The documents
were also discussed in the northern Basque Country sent to all Basque political
prisoners.
A notable feature of the meetings was the large presence of young people
and the degree of engagement in the debate, often leading to second sessions
having to be arranged. Through the process 400 amendments were received to the
ideological bases document, 934 to the political line and 520 to the
organisational model.
These were then organised into blocks by the drafting panel, and submitted
to a vote at the following round of meetings. A final round of meetings elected
local leaderships, delegates to the founding congress and local representatives
to Sortu’s national assembly, its central leadership body. The task of the
400-delegate founding congress was to vote on the three documents as amended
and adopted by the local meetings.
Before that, however, the delegates heard a
message from the imprisoned Arnaldo Otegi, for whom the
position of party secretary general is being kept vacant for when he leaves jail.
He asked them for a “mental revolution” and “less self-satisfaction and more
self-criticism”.
“It would be a mistake to believe that the only thing that
differentiates us from the past is the disappearance of the armed struggle”,
Otegi wrote, adding that he wanted to “share a doubt with you that has been
buzzing in my head for some time now, namely this: have we explained,
internalised and shared enough the profound significance of the strategic
change we have set in motion? Are we aware that here and now our huge
historical task is to build up that large popular majority that will declare
the Basque State and build an alternative social model?”
Otegi’s message stressed the value of Sortu as “a new instrument of
struggle in the hands of the people of the abertzale
left” that had achieved legal status “because we have generated sufficient
conditions for the [Spanish] State to judge that here and now its preference
for illegalisation would create more costs than benefits.”
The congress then heard reports on the local discussion and voting on
the three documents.
The key points of the ideological basis
proposed for Sortu and the issues most discussed in the local assemblies were
as follows.
On independence and character of a Basque state: “Independence is the way to guarantee and bring into
practice the right to decide our political, economic, cultural and social
model…
“Conscious of the negative features associated with the traditional
concept of the state, from Sortu we make the firm commitment to work to offer a
different model, [one which] rejects all forms of oppression, be they national,
class or gender [and] which uses and develops the tools of citizen
participation…an empowerment that guarantees that it is the citizenry and
working people who create and decide policy…a model where states are not tools
of the markets but tools of the peoples…
“By the same token our desire for independence does not mean that we
want a culturally homogenous and uniform nation. We defend a nation in which
all the rights of all the people who live and work there are recognised…
“The Basque State to which Sortu is committed as a strategic goal will
be constituted by decision of the majority of Basque society. In that state
Sortu will defend the interest of the working class and the popular masses,
developing nation-building and social transformation with the goal of creating
a free people composed of free individuals.”
In the local assemblies one point of discussion was Sortu’s exact place
in the broader Basque left-nationalist movement, represented at the electoral
level by the three-and four-party coalitions like Bildu and EH Bildu.
On socialism: “Conscious
of the fact that the different conceptions of what socialism means have been
the main reason for the innumerable divisions on the left, and because the goal
of our project is to bring together all abertzale
and left people in the Basque Country, all ways of understanding the left and
socialism have to find a place within it … given certain minimal principles.
“These minimum principles for Sortu would be acknowledgement of the
existence of the class struggle; the need to re-share work and redistribute
wealth in the name of the welfare of the whole population; the need for strong
public services based on the principle of solidarity; the defence of the
culture of self-organisation and community action as the basis of a social, solidarity-based
and cooperative economy … public ownership of the strategic means of production
and economic sectors…”
On feminism: The debate on Sortu’s ideological bases had added
feminism to the abertzale left’s
traditional goal of an independent, socialist and Basque-speaking Basque
Country, and this led to a wide-ranging discussion of how the party should
relate to and promote the struggle for women’s liberation. The importance of
the feminist goal in a party where the participation of women was still only 35%
was reaffirmed.
On the Basque language (euskara). “The Basque Country and the Basque-speaking people
are victims of the structuring of France and Spain as nation states. Centuries
of oppression have dismantled our linguistic community, and to re-establish an euskara-speaking Basque Country composed
of multilingual Basque citizens it is necessary to modify individual and
collective habits and give priority to euskara
in all private and public spheres, taking all possible steps towards the
attainment of the Basque State that will be the sole guarantee of the survival
of our language.”
Local discussion reaffirmed that euskara
would be the only official language, guaranteed by and in turn reinforcing the
Basque state, but that linguistic diversity would simultaneously be encouraged.
On ecology: Staring
from the viewpoint that “the social option that capitalism offers us is a model
of economic growth that only be sustained at the cost of the exploitation of
other peoples, individuals and of nature, of our Mother Earth”, the draft text
said that “we need instruments that allow us to develop our own [environmental]
model … committing to the balanced development of the regions and territories
of the Basque Country and modifying consumption habits, advancing towards
self-sufficiency and territorial integration and committing to a
redistributive, multifunctional, solidarity-based and sustainable territorial
model.”
Europe: The
final position reached was one of rejecting the present neoliberal
configuration and policies of the European Union, beginning with the 1992
Maastrict Treaty, but in the name of a Europe of social justice. “The goal of
Sortu is to create a Basque State in Europe and to consult its citizens as to
whether or not it should become part of the European Union.”
The amended document captured two issues not covered in the original
draft: anti-militarism—a Basque state would have no standing army and would not
belong to NATO—and sexual freedom and equality.
The amended ideological bases document, which had won 77% support in the
local vote, achieved 98.5% support at the congress.
Political
strategy and tactics
The draft
political line document laid great and repeated emphasis
on the fundamental task facing Sortu—to create social majorities on the issues
where presently the abertzale left
enjoys only minority support. The entire document is directed to explaining how
to build the national and social struggles needed to achieve that goal, how to
conceive the present “phase of democratic confrontation” and the role of the
Basque working class as the central driver of the process.
“Sortu”, it states, “is conscious that independence and the building of
socialism in the Basque Country … will require a long process of construction
and adaptation to objective and subjective conditions.”
While noting the “unilateral and unconditional character of the abertzale left’s commitment to the
disactivation of the strategies of armed confrontation” with France and Spain,
the text stresses the ongoing and systemic violence being suffered by the
Basque Country in all spheres and vindicates “civil and political disobedience
as a weapon of struggle and as an alternative to set against the power of the
States”.
In its analysis of the political situation in Spain the draft document
is critical of the all-Spanish United Left (IU,
Izquierda Unida), stressing that “it has not made a reflection … focused on the
profound transformation that the Spanish state would need” and noting that
“without tackling the model of state from a democratic standpoint—related, as
well, to the question of self-determination—a real change is impossible”.
The document stressed the crisis of the Spanish state in relation to
Catalan and Basque national aspirations, noting that in Euskadi the formation
of new political alliances “has advanced with greater speed and force than
could be foreseen, extending strategic agreements and closing the wounds of the
past”.
Emphasis was laid on the need to change the social balance of forces as
a precondition for further electoral gains. “Although on occasions it has
appeared as the main theme, the dispute for electoral hegemony cannot be our
axis of work nor our immediate main goal, now that we are creating [in Sortu]
the motor and decisive force for shifting the political process.
“What has to be created is the way forward. To achieve that we want to
expand the accumulation of forces as much as possible. In that sense the PNV [Basque
Nationalist Party, the main right-wing nationalist force and presently
ruling in Euskadi] will remain an electoral rival, but at the same time
it—along with the other political forces—will have to be made an offer to
travel the route of democracy.”
The document envisages the possibility of an independent Basque state
being achieved as a result of the struggle for the exercise of the right to national
self-determination, but without it yet being socialist in character—even while
Sortu itself pursues its twin objective of national liberation and social
transformation.
This whole combined process of struggle for national and social gains was
given the name of “left construction” (Ezkerretik
Eraikiz). One immediate task was to strengthen the campaign on Basque
political prisoners in Spanish jails, including “new initiatives and proposals
to increase the impact of the popular movement, increase the contradictions for
the state, strengthen international engagement and help the initiatives of the
prisoners’ collective itself”.
Local debate on Sortu’s political line focused on the adequacy of the
concepts of the “Basque working people” as the revolutionary subject and of the
political phase as one of “democratic revolution”. Many amendments stressed the
importance of setting in place in the here and now the economic and social
stepping stones to a future Basque state, pointing to Bildu’s work in administering
the province of Gipuskoa; others took up the issues of the social and political
alliances needed above and beyond formations like Bildu, especially with regard
to the Basque ruling class and its party, the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV).
The other main area of discussion was how Sortu should develop its
policy and build its campaign around the prisoners in Spanish jails, as well as
the hundreds of Basque activists in exile, in particular the phases the
struggle for amnesty would have to go through..
The amended political line document, which had won 91% support in the
local vote, won 98% support at the congress.
Organisational
model
The organisational model document produced the most debate in Sortu’s
local meetings, probably due to the need to reconcile two potentially
conflicting needs—for Sortu to be an organisation open to all left nationalists
while still being a party and organising centre of committed activists engaged
in all arenas of struggle.
The original text said: “The internal life of the new political force
that we want to set in motion has three main characteristics: permanent
internal participatory democracy, priority for euskara and equality of participation.”
The draft committed to making Sortu’s national assembly (made up of one
representative per local organisation) the core decision-making body and to
opening up lines of internal communication. Internal discussion would be
conducted exclusively in euskara, except
in the most Castilian-speaking regions, while the goal of gender parity would
be set for all levels of the organisation, with a specific plan to work out
ways of achieving the objective.
Sortu’s organisation model draft faced a number of complicated
decisions. How to guarantee maximum participation while preserving and
developing as large as possible an activist core to drive forward Ezkerretik Eraikiz? The draft proposed
that Sortu’s fundamental unit, the local assembly, be open, while simultaneously
advocating “a new model of activism”.
“The activist we need for Sortu has to be a sociopolitical instigator,
always driving forward community work ... At the same time, he or she has to
adapt to the various kinds and levels of level of activism that may result from
Sortu opening its doors and giving an opportunity to participate to the
greatest possible number of people.”
How to organise the party’s relations with the other forces in the
various left nationalist coalitions in which it participates? The draft
proposed that “with respect to institutional work, Sortu will develop it by
means of the institutional alliance” but in coordination with Sortu’s own “institutional
struggle body”.
How to help maintain the autonomy of the social movements while having a
useful and coherent intervention? The draft text said that “Sortu will
stimulate the social movements but not create any social movement entity of its
own nor seek to take over any existing ones”. At the same time all levels of
Sortu will have a “mass struggle body” to help guide the party’s interventions.
The mass struggle task will cover both Ezkerretik Eraikiz and Sortu’s own internal network for keeping
members informed and active—known as Sarea
(network).
To coordinate all this Sortu local councils (executives) will have six
portfolios—covering overall coordination, finances, communication,
institutional struggle, ideological struggle and mass struggle.
At the capital city level these six functions will be complemented by
portfolios to cover internal organisation and coordination of neighbourhoods.
Still more functions are added further up at the shire, provincial and
national levels. The national council contains 21 members.
In the original draft the tension between these potentially competing
imperatives led to a proposal for a three-tier membership system, ranging from the
“social base member” expected to participate little in the party’s internal
life and not to pay dues, then a the dues-paying but low-activity membership
category and an activist category. After discussion, this proposal was
simplified to one of members and sympathisers.
A second debate centred on which of the three areas of
struggle—ideological, mass and institutional—was most important and how they
could be combined in the most effective way. The draft document’s seeming prioritisation
of the ideological struggle was amended to favour the mass social struggle.
On the issue of internal currents, excluded in the original text, the
position finally adopted was to recognise their right to formation, but without
any automatic right to representation on leadership bodies. A proposal to
create a position of coordinator of feminist work at all levels of the organisation
was rejected as “artificial”.
The amended organisational model document, which won 53% support in the
local vote, was adopted with 95.5% support at the congress.
The two other proposals arising from the founding process—covering
Sortu’s structures and its national council—were adopted by similar margins,
while the specific congress resolutions on national and international politics
were adopted near unanimously. In the midst of all this work, the congress
heard greetings from the ETA prisoners
collective (EPPK), which was met with stormy applause.
Solidarity
The congress
had been preceded by a public meeting with speakers engaged in conflict
resolution and struggle in Colombia, Kurdistan, Palestine and the Western
Sahara. It was followed by a powerful rally in Pamphlona’s main sports stadium,
full despite the freezing weather.
The
international solidarity greetings from Sinn Fein, the African
National Congress, Syriza and the Democratic
Front for the Liberation of Palestine set the rally roaring, providing the perfect prelude to the closing
speech from Pernando Barrena, one of Sortu’s three spokespeople.
Barrena said:
“Sortu is going to be in the front line of the struggle for social and national
justice. Sortu will not disappoint the expectations of peace and freedom that
this country needs … No ambit of struggle will be alien to us.”
Sortu’s founding comes at a critical moment in politics in the Spanish
state. Relations between Catalonia and the central People’s Party government of
Mariano Rajoy are at breaking point, with Madrid deciding to appeal the Catalan
parliament’s declaration of Catalonia’s right to decide its political future to
the constitutional court.
At the same time, in Navarra, an austerity-inflicting minority
government of the conservative Union of the People of Navarra (UPN) is only
kept alive by the connivance of its former partner and now “opposition”, the
Socialist Part of Navarra (PSN, the Navarra branch of the social-democratic Spanish
Socialist Workers Party).
Tensions within the PSN keep rising because the longer its refuses to
join Bildu and the other opposition parties in Navarra in throwing out the UPN,
the greater will be the price it pays for keeping the UPN in government, and
the bigger the likely support for Bildu and forces like Geroa Bai (Future Yes).
In the scenario of accelerating decay of the two-party system in the
Spanish state, Sortu has a very important role to play. Any impact will be felt
well beyond Spanish borders.
[Dick Nichols is Green Left
Weekly’s and Links International
Journal of Socialist Renewal’s European correspondent. He attended the
Sortu founding congress as a representative of the Australian Socialist
Alliance. shorter version of this
article was published on the Green Left
Weekly website.]
Resolution of the foundation congress of Sortu
SORTU is born. The new political instrument responds to the
conclusion covered in the "Zutik Euskal Herria" document of the
necessity of the Abertzale Left to provide itself with a political
formation to dynamize the development of the new political strategy that
is covered in the document. With the Democratic Process as a framework
and independence and socialism as a goal, this measure pretends to be a
medium for achieving political and social transformation. An
organizational instrument that in the course of its activity must
strengthen and expand itself.
The liberation process has brought us here. SORTU has just been born
and it does so with a proposal for a renovated struggle and a new
organizational model with which to confront the new political cycle. The
new organization that emerges with such intentions has present the
historical journey of struggle carried out from popular unity to reach
national liberation and social transformation. Those of us who have
organized in SORTU come from old and new struggles of the working class
and of social and popular movements, and we unite and organize with the
end of reaching the strategic objectives that we long for.
Our duty was to respond to the evolution of the situation in the
Basque Country and the desire of the Basque citizenry, and also to the
new political opportunities that have come about through the work and
struggle realized during all this time. Today we are here thanks to the
advances made by the liberation process. But the beginning of this new
stage is also due to that we have been rigorous with ourselves at the
time of making all kinds of reflections. There haven't lacked problems
or contradictions in this long journey, neither will they going forward,
but we have complete confidence in the path begun thanks to debate and
militant work.
Full freedom as a goal
The time has come for freedom. The Spanish and French states don't
want to make a democratic offer for the Basque Country, for its
citizens. They continue to be stubborn in their historical denial, in
their strategy of violence and imposition, in that, only in that. The
current institutional structure is exhausted, and also their
pseudo-solutions and limited offers. The popular will must be the point
on which to build the future, exercising daily the right to
Self-Determination.
Our commitment with the popular will is firm and it will bring us to
the end of the project of a Basque State, respecting and making that
will respected. Complete freedom, that is our only goal, and we are
conscious that national liberation must be united with social
transformation given that both are part of the same objective: achieving
a free country formed by free men and women.
Therefore, ours is a socialist project. To confront the capitalist
system, this system that destroys the environment on all corners of the
world, that condemns millions of people to the most absolute misery, and
that through the Neoliberalism of the past years has brought these
situations to extremes even more critical, we must create radical
alternatives, adapted to the characteristics and identity of every
people. This is also the challenge that the Basque Country must
confront.
Our main task is to build the Basque Country day by day, from a
political, social, economic and cultural point of view. The work areas
are, among others, social justice for all men and women, and equality
between them: respect for mother earth and territorial cohesion, and the
recuperation of the national language.
To those of us who form a part of SORTU this project and the
commitment to bring this journey to an end unites us, having as a
framework of reference the bases approved after the reading and the
constitutive process brought forth from the "Zutik Euskal Herria
resolution (Stand up Basque Country), leaving, at every moment, a wide
margin to put new debates and ideas on the table.
Democratic Path
Now is the time to leave the past behind and to prepare the future.
We must build the path that will make room for a true democratic
transition. Precisely for that, SORTU maintains a firm commitment to the
political exercise of responding to the consequences as well as the
origin of the conflict.
But, to untie the knot of the political conflict, the Basque Country
needs, in the first place, dialogue and agreements, For that, we must
put in march a national dialogue among political forces and agents from
different spheres and institutions, with the objective of forming
decision-making subjects to put in march the materialization of the
right to decide for all Basque citizens.
On the other hand, we have as a goal the overcoming of each and every
one of the consequences of the conflict, and for that we are not afraid
of looking back. SORTU doesn't see reality with only one eye. Others
want to maintain their responsibility in the shadows, directly or
indirectly, that have had the dirty war, torture or in the injustices
that the prisoners have suffered. The Abertzale Left will take charge of
the responsibilities that concern them, and will do all that they have
to do in favour of coexistence and a just and lasting peace, because we
owe it to our people.
To all those who with partisanship and demanding accounts from others
want to capture in futile dynamics the historical opportunity that we
have in our hands, we want to express to them that we are going to go
forward. And for that we must build a scenario of minimums without
violence, deactivating the measures of exception and all types of
aggressions. SORTU wants to make a special emphasis in the respect for
all the rights of the Basque political prisoners as a step that cannot
be postponed in the path towards their total liberation.
Organization and Struggle
SORTU was born to act and to urge to act. SORTU was also born to
create. The best political and social conditions can also be lost if
there is no organization and popular struggle. We want to make the
revolution. The revolution of SORTU is democratic and national, because
we want to change the root of the political and social model in the
Basque Country. For the democratic national revolution to advance,
popular mobilization is necessary, democratic confrontation, civil
disobedience and ideological struggle in all spheres. The Basque Country
will advance thanks to its militants and committed sectors that will
act in different areas and spheres of work and struggle. But the
democratic national revolution must begin from our own organization. In
the heart of SORTU we will strengthen the organization and
participation. SORTU is the home for all the members of the abertzale
left to debate, decide and develop the militant practice, and it will
need everyone to accomplish as they should with the responsibility of
political dynamization that corresponds to the general strategy of the
liberation process.
But it won't undertake this political task by looking inside itself.
It will give priority to communication and collaboration with the
renewed youth movement, with the workers' movement and, in general, with
the popular movement.
In the same way, with the idea of forming a Popular National Block in
favour of independence with sectors and agents of diverse types, it is a
maximum priority of SORTU to widen and strengthen the alliances and
agreements adopted by the abertzale political forces, sovereigntists and
leftists in the past years, without leaving aside tactical agreements
that can be tried around the right to decide.
In any case, SORTU will base political alliances, an essential
ingredient of their actuation, in communication, confidence and mutual
respect. The key to success of the strategy is in the accumulation of
forces and in collaboration with other agents, since we have to create
an adequate correlation of forces so that political and social change
can materialize, and for our political project to be viable.
Therefore, SORTU is an instrument for advancing in a decided way in
the liberation process, but it is not a simple tool. It also must be a
reflection of the liberating project that it represents. Democracy in
its internal functioning and transparency facing the outside. Apart from
examining the world around us with a critical vision, self-criticism
must also be a fundamental feature. We will always speak and address
ourselves with revolutionary sincerity to the citizens, so that the
working population and popular sectors will join the commitment that
SORTU has with the Basque Country and freedom.
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